‘If you understand it, obey it’: MUBARAK Johor calls for stronger constitutional literacy

 THE PATRIOT NEWS

KUANTAN — MUBARAK Johor has urged the Federal Government and state governments to take concrete steps to strengthen constitutional literacy by making the Federal Constitution and State Constitutions more accessible to the public, including through simplified guides for ordinary citizens.

The Johor chapter also proposed introducing a dedicated Constitution and Nationhood subject in secondary schools and making basic constitutional training compulsory for elected representatives, members of the administration and civil servants exercising public authority.

Presenting the proposals while debating the motion “Unity of the Ummah, Strength of the Nation, Stability of the State”, MUBARAK Johor appointed speaker Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminnurashid Jumat said the time had come to move beyond discussions and seminars and focus on implementation.

“We have had enough seminars. Now we must demand implementation,” he said at the MUBARAK national convention in Kuantan.

Tengku Putra said education on the Federal Constitution should not remain merely a component of the History syllabus but should be given a clearer and more prominent place in the school curriculum.

He said students should understand the fundamental pillars of the nation, including the position of Islam as the religion of the Federation, the institution of the Malay Rulers, the National Language, the special position of the Malays and the natives of Sabah and Sarawak, the legitimate interests of other communities, as well as the rights and responsibilities of citizens.

“They should also understand the relationship between the Federal Constitution and the State Constitutions, the division of powers, parliamentary democracy, and the principles of the Rukun Negara.

“The teaching of these subjects must build genuine understanding through discussion and real-life examples, rather than simply producing students who can answer examination questions but fail to understand their own country,” he said.

He said Johor supported the motion, particularly its call to defend the Federal Constitution and strengthen nationhood education.

However, he stressed that the Constitution must not merely be praised in speeches while being ignored in practice.

As an example, he recalled the “Nation and Nationhood” programme organised in Johor in 2017 amid discussions about the possibility of Johor leaving Malaysia.

“At that time, our position was simple: an issue of such magnitude must be assessed based on the law and the Constitution, not inflamed by irrational sentiment,” he said.

Tengku Putra said while preparing for the programme, organisers found that copies of the Federal Constitution and State Constitutions were difficult to obtain at bookstores.

“The question then is: how can people be expected to defend something that they themselves struggle to obtain and read?

“The nation’s foundational documents must be easily accessible, whether in print or digital form, and accompanied by explanations in language that ordinary people can understand,” he said.

He stressed that the Constitution defines the rights and responsibilities of citizens as well as the powers and limits of government, and therefore understanding it should not be the exclusive privilege of any particular group.

At the same time, he reminded those entrusted with power that their obligation to understand and comply with the Constitution was even greater.

“Not only political leaders, but also holders of the Malay Royal Institutions must be familiar with the Federal Constitution and the scope of powers provided under the respective State Constitutions, so that Their Royal Highnesses are always aware of and abide by the fact that our country practises a constitutional monarchy.

“This means a system of government in which the monarch is recognised as the Head of State, but their powers are limited and subject to the provisions of the Federal Constitution and the laws of the country, and not an absolute monarchy system such as those practised in Brunei and Saudi Arabia.”

Tengku Putra also said public office is not a licence to override the Constitution. The higher a person’s position, the greater their responsibility to respect the limits of their authority.

“If you do not understand the Constitution, learn it. If you understand it, obey it. Do not use confusion as an excuse or political interests as a basis for interpretation.”

He also referred to issues involving questions of authority and jurisdiction in Negeri Sembilan as a reminder of the importance of understanding the Constitution and state laws.

According to him, any dispute should be addressed through legitimate channels and accompanied by responsible explanations to avoid confusing the public or undermining the credibility of institutions.

When A Throne Is in Dispute, The Rulers Conference Must Lead.

1. For more than five months, the dispute over the Negeri Sembilan throne has remained unresolved. Competing claims now reach beyond the state itself. Every further week of uncertainty risks weakening public confidence in the Institution of the Monarchy as a whole. 

2. The Rulers’ Conference should therefore take the initiative, in whatever capacity the Constitution permits. The loyal Rakyat do not ask the brother Rulers to prejudge the dispute or claim powers they do not possess. They ask them to recognise that a prolonged contest concerning one throne inevitably touches the dignity and standing of every throne.

3. That responsibility should not be left entirely to governments, political parties or public campaigns. Each may have its own view of the outcome. The brother Rulers are especially well placed to encourage a process that commands respect because its purpose is to protect the institution and uphold the law, whoever ultimately prevails.

4. The Conference has an established constitutional role in matters concerning the position, honours and dignity of the Rulers. That does not make it a court of appeal over Negeri Sembilan’s Constitution, nor does a notification sent to it settle who lawfully occupies the throne. It does, however, give the Rulers reason to discuss the matter and consider what constructive steps lie within their purview. 

5. A practical first step would be to seek a clear account from all relevant parties, including Tuanku Muhriz, the Undangs whose authority or status is in dispute, and the state’s constitutional advisers. The Conference could then encourage confidential dialogue, supported by independent constitutional and adat expertise, with a firm timetable for identifying the issues that must be resolved through the proper legal channels.

6. This is also a question of public trust. Malaysians know that the Rulers meet regularly to discharge important duties. As the crisis drags on, some will understandably ask what those meetings can achieve when a dispute so closely connected to the monarchy itself remains unsettled.

7. The aim must be a swift and credible resolution, reached according to Negeri Sembilan’s Constitution and customs. If a legal determination is necessary, it should be pursued promptly. If dialogue can narrow the disagreement first, the brother Rulers should lend it their moral authority.

8. The institution of the monarchy is strongest when it is seen to guard its own dignity through wisdom, fairness and fidelity to the Constitution.

9. The People hope the Rulers’ Conference will no longer remain silent, and be seen to play its part of bringing the right people together, help establish a clear path forward, and show that this grave matter will not be allowed to drift indefinitely.

10. Alas, What Other Body Can Protect The Dignity And The Institution Of The Monarchy Better, If Not The Rulers’ Conference Itself?

Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid AlHaj B Tan Sri Tengku Abdul Hamid Jumat.

JOHOR SHOWS THE NATION HOW TO DEAL WITH FLAG RECALCITRANTS!

1. Johor has shown the nation something that has been sorely missing, ie when you insult the symbols of this country, there MUST be consequences.

2. Under Section 5 of the Emblems and Names (Prevention of Improper Use) Act 1963 (Act 414), as amended in 2017, improper use of the national emblem/ flag can carry: 

Fine up to RM20,000; Imprisonment up to 3 years; Or both.

3. In the case of the recent Kulai factory, MPKu expressly relied on By-law 49(2): Power to Close Premises, together with By-law 45(1): Hoisting of Flags, under the Licensing of Trades, Businesses and Industries By-Laws 2019. 

4. So it has rightfully imposed the penalty as provided for in their by-laws, because this is not merely about a piece of cloth being hung the wrong way.

5. This is about respect. This is about loyalty. This is about sovereignty. And ultimately, this is about whether those who live, work and prosper in Malaysia understand whose country this is.

6. A company cannot simply wash its hands off responsibility and blame it on its patsy foreign worker. NO!

7. You own the premises. You run the business. You employ the workers. You reap the profits. You carry the responsibility.

8. It is no coincidence that while factories and business establishments have been around for years, it is only during the Merdeka Month that such treacherous acts occur and by businesses run by a certain kind of suspects.

9. We must also ask the uncomfortable question: Could these incidents be a signal by a certain group to deliberately commit acts of disloyalty disguised as “mistakes” during the Merdeka Month?

10. If that is so, then the law must close that door; firmly and permanently.

11. In Johor, displaying the State flag improperly is also an affront to the dignity of the State and its Ruler. We need stronger deterrence.

12. Johor has a BN coalition government with more than a two-thirds majority in the State Legislative Assembly. It should use that mandate.

13. More stringent laws and licensing conditions should be considered. If a business knows that the worst that can happen is a small fine followed by a carefully rehearsed apology, then the law has failed as a deterrent.

14. The penalty must hurt where it matters: The business licence; The operating licence; The bottom line. A prolonged closure, where legally justified, would send a far stronger message than a token fine.

Respect is not something you buy for RM500 or RM3,500.

15. And this is not the first time Johor has had to confront an attitude of corporate arrogance towards the State.

16. During the Coronation of Sultan Ibrahim of Johor, I remember the management of another factory in Gelang Patah reportedly stating openly with pride, that the company would not recognise the occasion as a public holiday for its workers (even though it had been gazetted as such by the State administration).

17. This was an insult to the State’s Ruler and the people of Johor especially the factory’s workers who wanted to join in the Royal celebration which came last after 60 years.

18. More stringent laws should be passed to teach these defiant citizens the importance of respecting the Flag.

19. Malaysia Must Never Bend The Knee To Those Who Treat Our Symbols And What They Represent With Contempt.

20. Smash Them Where It Hurts, Ie Their Operation And Fiscal Bottomline. Maybe Then, They Will In Compliance,  Learn The Meaning Of Allegience.

Palliative Care or Euthanasia: Which Path Should Pakatan Harapan Take?

1. At the risk of stating the obvious, Pakatan Harapan’s standing with the public is in rapid decline. And increasingly, its greatest liability is not the opposition, but the sitting Prime Minister himself and the party he leads, PKR. 

2. As I warned in my earlier articles, the Prime Minister’s increasingly aggressive rhetoric and campaign-rally outbursts in Johor and Negeri Sembilan have backfired spectacularly. PH paid the price at the ballot box.

3. Johor may have been a BN state to begin with, but Negeri Sembilan was an altogether different humiliation. PH was flipped out of government, while the defeats of the incumbent Menteri Besar and DAP Secretary-General provided an almost irresistible political bonus.

4. Now comes the reported resignation offer by PKR’s Deputy President, reportedly attributed to her desire to pursue her education.

5. But politically, it can hardly be ignored that this is also the party’s Deputy President stepping away at a critical moment and doing so from a party led by her own father.

6. Rafizi Ramli and his influential faction have already left PKR to form a rival political vehicle. Combine that with the reported departure of its Deputy President and PKR is no longer the political machine it once was.

7. The uncomfortable truth is that the only thing keeping PKR politically afloat is the Prime Minister’s occupation of the Prime Minister’s Office. And even that lifeline is hanging on a thread.

8. The latest blow came earlier this evening with the resignation of YB Wong Chen from his parliamentary seat in Subang. And if the political whispers are correct, he may not be the last. For a government already battling questions of internal cohesion, every resignation is another drip from a rapidly emptying political blood bank.

9. DAP is now allowing its delegates to decide this month whether the party should remain in government. If DAP genuinely wants to preserve whatever remains of its public support before the next General Election, perhaps it should consider leaving the Cabinet now and become what I would call the “Opposition in Residence”, close enough to scrutinise the government, but far enough away to avoid being held responsible for its failures.

10. UMNO however should  remain in the administration to save this Nation yet again from certain disaster. Otherwise this government will be left in the hands of incompetent Ministers running this country to the ground.

11. We should hold the Nation together and let the clock run out. Let the people observe the form of service we provide and hopefully, will us back in the the next GE as the primary force leading this Nation.

12. The problem for PH is that it may no longer have enough time to repair the damage. With roughly a year and a half remaining in the current term, the political haemorrhage may simply be too severe. Its leadership credibility is weakened. Its political narrative is losing oxygen.

13. At this stage, one would be forgiven for describing PH’s political health as terminal.

14. So perhaps PH now has only two choices: Palliative care or euthanasia. 

15. The only sensible way forward for them is to be put on palliative care and play nice with BN until they expire.

LAST DANCE FOR DAP & THE PM IN NEGERI SEMBILAN!

1. After the terrible drubbing of PKR and DAP suffered in the hands of Barisan Nasional in Johor, it looks like Negeri Sembilan will be the last dance for DAP and PKR.

2. In my last article I have said that the elections in Johor could prove to be a referendum on Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s leadership. 

3. True enough Johor took him to the cleaners leaving him with just the singlet on his back and a sore throat.

4. The Melaka DAP withdrew from government and despite the PM’s directive to reconsider, Secretary General Anthony Loke declined to comply proving that the PM’s power in PH has indeed diminished considerably.

5. In Negeri Sembilan, BN, namely UMNO has forged a pact with PAS which will for certain cause the opposition’s earth to shake registering double digits on their richter scale.

6. If MCA doesn’t like this, they can either contest on the MCA banner on its own or just shut up and enjoy the free ride to the State Assembly.

7. The citizens and voters from the 4 Luaks (districts ruled by the disgruntled Undangs) and Tampin are up in arms with the PH government for committing sacrilege, interfering with the process of their customs, heritage, and Royal Institution. 

8. They will surely go to the polls with this viscious animosity with the desire to teach these outsiders a painful lesson that they will soon bring to their next life.

9. If This Proves To Be True On The Evening Of August 1st, DAP May Soon Leave The Federal Government, Meaning Anthony Loke And Anwar Ibrahim Will Then Dance For The Very Last Time In Sri Menanti To The Funeral Tune Of The  “Āiyuè”. (Google It!)

HIGH-STAKES GAMBLE FOR ANWAR IBRAHIM

1. Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is making the biggest political gamble of his career in Johor and he is staking what’s left of his credibility on the outcome.

2. Instead of leaving it to his minions in DAP and PH to do the political rallies in Johor, he has reduced the prestige of the Prime Minister’s office by shouting from campaign platforms in relentless attacks against Barisan Nasional, his coalition partner at the federal level, yet his political opponent in Johor.

3. When he should be projecting statesmanship, he has chosen a combative style more commonly associated with opposition politics.

4. What makes his attacks even more puzzling is that many of the accusations and criticisms he hurls from the stage bear little resemblance to the conduct or character of Johor’s Barisan Nasional leadership. 

5. This has left many asking; who exactly is Anwar Ibrahim fighting in Johor?

6. This election is no longer merely a contest between Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan. It is increasingly being framed as a personal test of Anwar Ibrahim’s political influence.

7. With many PH leaders struggling to attract crowds to the rallies, Anwar appears to be single handedly running the PH campaign. In doing so, he is pushing all his chips to the centre of the table, making this election a high-stakes political gamble. 

8. A loss will be costly to Anwar’s personal standing.

9. Ultimately, despite his insistence that he will remain Prime Minister regardless of the election’s outcome, this contest may well turn into a referendum on his leadership. 

10. If Pakatan Harapan Gets A Whipping At The Hands Of Barisan Nasional In Johor, It May Well Start An Avalanche Spilling Through Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, And Across The Rest Of “Semenanjung Tanah Melayu”.

11. But If His Gamble Pays Off, He’ll  Break The Bank In GE16.

12. Kepada Allah Berserah.

Dear DAP: Stop Mistaking National Duty For Eternal Romance

1. Let us stop pretending. The relationship between Barisan Nasional and DAP was never a romance, never a meeting of minds, and certainly never a political love affair. It was a forced temporary marriage entered into under extraordinary circumstances to save the nation from instability and uncertainty after a hung Parliament. 

2. BN did not walk into Putrajaya hand-in-hand with DAP because we suddenly discovered shared values or common convictions. We did so because the nation came first, because stability mattered, and because our loyalty to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the constitutional process outweighed our political discomfort. It was duty, not affection that brought us into the same government.

3. What is increasingly irritating, however, is the attempt by certain DAP leaders to behave as though this arrangement was the beginning of some beautiful and permanent union. It was not. Temporary necessity is not permanent destiny.

4. This is precisely why BN Johor's decision to stand on its own is both logical and courageous. Johor is not merely another state. It is UMNO's birthplace, fortress, and political soul. 

5. If BN cannot test its strength in Johor without leaning on others, then what exactly has become of the movement that once commanded the confidence of millions? 

6. A party that constantly seeks alliances especially when it doesn’t need to, eventually forgets how to lead. 

7. Johor is sending a message that BN at the national level must rediscover its own footing before it loses the confidence to stand independently at all.

8. DAP may find this uncomfortable, but discomfort does not change reality. BN entered this federal government to save the nation, not to surrender its identity. 

9. We did not fall in love at first sight, and we certainly do not owe eternal fidelity to a partnership that was never built on shared beliefs in the first place. To suggest otherwise is a political fantasy. 

10. A marriage of convenience remains just that, no matter how many times one party tries to recast it as a fairy tale romance.

11. The greater danger now lies within our own ranks. BN leaders must stop looking over their shoulders, stop obsessing over electoral arithmetic, and stop convincing themselves that survival can only come through endless political arrangements, especially with our sworn enemy.

12. To Anthony Loke, you sitting next to our President/ Chairman of BN in the Cabinet is out of our temporary duty to the Nation, NOT out of permanant love for this toxic union. 

13. To YAB Dato’ Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, observers respect conviction, not dependency. UMNO’s duty is to rebuild faith in ourselves, remain sincere in our struggle, and place our trust in Allah rather than in presumably clever political engineering. 

14. If Our Cause Is Just, Our Service Genuine, And Our Resolve Unshaken, Allah May Yet Grant Us The Honour Of Standing Alone, And Winning With Dignity Rather Than Surviving Through Expediency.

UMNO at 80: A Legacy of Struggle, Service and Resilience

 

1. As UMNO marks its 80th Anniversary today on the 11th May 2026, this is not merely a celebration of age, but a reflection on a political movement that helped shape Malaysia from the struggle for independence to modern nation building. For eight decades, UMNO has remained closely intertwined with the nation’s journey through success, challenges, setbacks, and renewal.

2. From the fight for Merdeka, UMNO proved itself to be more than just a political party. It became the platform through which the aspirations of the Malay community and the wider multiracial society were united in building an independent and sovereign Malaysia. Independence was achieved through leadership, negotiation, sacrifice, and the trust of the rakyat.

3. After independence, UMNO became the backbone of a government that transformed Malaysia from a developing agricultural nation into one of the region’s more stable and progressive economies. Development in infrastructure, education, healthcare, rural growth, and industrialisation did not happen by chance, but through long-term planning, stability, and consistent governance.

4. It would also be dishonest to deny that decades of dominance created complacency and arrogance among some within the party. Years of political success led certain leaders to believe power was permanent. Eventually, the rakyat delivered a harsh lesson through the ballot box when UMNO suffered a historic defeat and was pushed into opposition.

5. Yet defeat became a period of reflection and renewal. Rather than collapse, UMNO regrouped, adapted, and continued serving the people despite being outside government. The experience reminded the party that political legitimacy can never be taken for granted, but must always be earned through service and trust.

6. What remains remarkable is that even with only 26 parliamentary seats, UMNO still played an important role in restoring stability during one of the nation’s most difficult political deadlocks. This demonstrated that leadership is not measured purely by numbers, but by the ability to provide direction during uncertain times.

7. Today, within the current administration, UMNO leaders continue to show experience and capability in governance. Whether in strengthening the economy, attracting investment, improving institutions, or addressing public concerns, many UMNO leaders have demonstrated the difference between political rhetoric and actual administration.

8. At the core of UMNO’s identity remains its commitment to defending Islam, the institution of the Malay Rulers, and the special position and customs of the Malays as enshrined in the Federal Constitution. In an era where these institutions are increasingly questioned by certain quarters, UMNO’s role in safeguarding them continues to remain relevant.

9. However, UMNO’s strength was never built on extremism. While protecting Malay and Islamic interests, the party also governed with the understanding that Malaysia’s strength lies in coexistence. Under UMNO-led administrations, other races and religions continued practising their faiths, preserving their cultures, and contributing to national development in relative harmony.

10. As UMNO celebrates 80 years of struggle, sacrifice, governance, and renewal, the occasion should not only honour the past but inspire responsibility for the future. The challenges ahead will be greater, shaped by changing political expectations, economic pressures, and new generations. 

11. Yet history has shown that UMNO has repeatedly endured, adapted, and risen again in service to Malaysia and her people.

12. And to those who remained loyal to the party through its darkest days after 2018, without abandoning it when times were difficult, I salute you. Loyalty is the mark of a true warrior, not that of a fair-weather supporter.

Happy 80th Anniversary UMNO ! 

From Your Loyal Servant,

Datuk Tengku Putra Haron

Aminurrashid AlHaj B Tan Sri Tengku Abdul Hamid Jumat

UMNO Member: 01053559

Parti Keramat Bangsa: 80 Tahun UMNO

1. Sempena Ulang Tahun UMNO Ke-80 pada hari ini, 11hb Mei 2026, sambutan ini bukan sekadar meraikan usia perjuangan, tetapi juga menjadi medan muhasabah terhadap sebuah gerakan politik yang telah membantu membentuk perjalanan Malaysia daripada era menuntut kemerdekaan sehinggalah kepada pembinaan negara moden. Selama lapan dekad, UMNO kekal terkait rapat dengan perjalanan negara melalui kejayaan, cabaran, kejatuhan dan kebangkitan semula.

2. Dalam perjuangan menuntut kemerdekaan, UMNO membuktikan bahawa ia bukan sekadar sebuah parti politik. UMNO menjadi wadah penyatuan aspirasi orang Melayu serta masyarakat berbilang kaum dalam membina sebuah negara Malaysia yang merdeka dan berdaulat. Kemerdekaan dicapai melalui kepimpinan, rundingan, pengorbanan serta kepercayaan rakyat.

3. Selepas merdeka, UMNO menjadi tunjang kepada sebuah kerajaan yang berjaya mengubah Malaysia daripada sebuah negara pertanian yang sedang membangun kepada antara ekonomi yang lebih stabil dan progresif di rantau ini. Kemajuan dalam pembangunan infrastruktur, pendidikan, kesihatan, pembangunan luar bandar dan perindustrian bukan berlaku secara kebetulan, tetapi hasil perancangan jangka panjang, kestabilan dan pentadbiran yang konsisten.

4. Namun, adalah tidak wajar untuk menafikan bahawa tempoh penguasaan yang terlalu lama turut melahirkan rasa selesa dan keangkuhan dalam kalangan segelintir pemimpin parti. Kejayaan politik yang berpanjangan menyebabkan ada yang merasakan kuasa akan kekal selamanya. Akhirnya, rakyat memberikan pengajaran yang cukup besar melalui peti undi apabila UMNO mengalami kekalahan bersejarah dan berada di bangku pembangkang.

5. Namun begitu, kekalahan tersebut menjadi titik muhasabah dan pembaharuan. UMNO tidak rebah, sebaliknya bangkit menyusun semula kekuatan dan terus berkhidmat kepada rakyat walaupun berada di luar kerajaan. Pengalaman itu mengingatkan bahawa legitimasi politik tidak boleh dianggap hak mutlak, sebaliknya perlu terus diraih melalui khidmat dan kepercayaan rakyat.

6. Apa yang lebih membanggakan, walaupun hanya memiliki 26 kerusi Parlimen, UMNO tetap memainkan peranan penting dalam mengembalikan kestabilan ketika negara berdepan kemelut politik yang amat sukar. Ini membuktikan bahawa kepimpinan tidak diukur semata-mata melalui jumlah kerusi, tetapi melalui kemampuan memberikan arah dan kestabilan ketika negara berada dalam ketidaktentuan.

7. Hari ini, dalam pentadbiran semasa, pemimpin-pemimpin UMNO terus memperlihatkan pengalaman dan keupayaan dalam urus tadbir negara. Sama ada dalam memperkukuhkan ekonomi, menarik pelaburan, memperbaiki institusi atau menangani isu rakyat, ramai pemimpin UMNO telah membuktikan perbezaan antara retorik politik dan pentadbiran sebenar.

8. Teras perjuangan UMNO tetap berpaksikan kepada mempertahankan Islam, institusi Raja-Raja Melayu serta kedudukan dan adat istiadat Melayu seperti yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan Persekutuan. Dalam suasana hari ini di mana institusi-institusi ini semakin dipersoalkan oleh pihak tertentu, peranan UMNO dalam mempertahankannya terus kekal relevan.

9. Namun, kekuatan UMNO tidak pernah dibina atas fahaman ekstrem. Dalam mempertahankan kepentingan Melayu dan Islam, parti ini turut mentadbir dengan kefahaman bahawa kekuatan Malaysia terletak pada keharmonian hidup bersama. Di bawah pentadbiran pimpinan UMNO, kaum dan agama lain terus bebas mengamalkan kepercayaan masing-masing, memelihara budaya mereka serta menyumbang kepada pembangunan negara dalam suasana yang relatif harmoni.

10. Ketika UMNO meraikan 80 tahun perjuangan, pengorbanan, pentadbiran dan pembaharuan, sambutan ini bukan sekadar untuk mengenang sejarah lalu, tetapi juga untuk menyuntik rasa tanggungjawab terhadap masa depan. Cabaran mendatang pasti lebih besar, dipengaruhi oleh perubahan landskap politik, tekanan ekonomi dan kemunculan generasi baharu.

11. Namun sejarah telah membuktikan bahawa UMNO sentiasa mampu bertahan, menyesuaikan diri dan bangkit semula demi terus berkhidmat kepada Malaysia dan rakyatnya.

12. Dan kepada mereka yang terus setia bersama parti ini ketika melalui detik paling sukar selepas tahun 2018, tanpa meninggalkannya ketika diuji, saya tabik hormat kepada anda semua. Kesetiaan adalah lambang pejuang sejati, bukan sekadar penyokong ketika senang.

Selamat Ulang Tahun Ke-80 UMNO!

Dengan Tulus Ikhlas Dan Ta’at Setia,

Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid AlHaj B Tan Sri Tengku Abdul Hamid Jumat.

Ahli UMNO: 01053559

Heal UMNO, Then Unite the Malays

 

"UMNO Must First Mend Our Own House Before Seeking Unity To The Wider Malay Community. A Fractured Party Cannot Credibly Lead A United Cause. Unity Begins With Justice, Magnanimity And Political Maturity Within Our Own Ranks. Reconciliation Inside Umno Is Not A Retreat From Principle; It Is A Return To Strength. Only A Party That Is Whole, Confident And Inclusive Can Command Respect And Rally Malays Beyond Its Walls.

In That Spirit, Umno Should Reopen Its Doors Without Strict Preconditions To Those Who Were Sacked Or Suspended Yet Remain Loyal And Refused To Join Rival Parties. 

Loyalty Proven Under Adversity Must Count For Something. Reuniting The Party’s Estranged But Faithful Sons Is The First, Indispensable Step Towards Genuine Malay Unity."

- Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid Jumat

Umno 01053559.

Pemuda UMNO: Antara Perjuangan Dan Pemain Selamat Dalam Barisannya.

Kredit: tvpertiwi.com

1. UMNO bukan sebuah keluarga. Ia adalah wadah perjuangan. Dalam perjuangan, tiada istilah adik, abang, kakak atau bapa. Hari ini, keluarga sendiri boleh berpecah, rumah tangga boleh bercerai, tetapi perjuangan untuk Agama dan Bangsa, Insha’Allah akan hidup hingga ke hari Kiamat. 

2. Maka jangan kelirukan perjuangan dengan sentimen kekeluargaan yang lemah dan rapuh.

3. Dalam UMNO juga tidak perlu ada mereka yang berlagak seperti “kakak” atau “abang” kononnya lebih tahu, lebih bijak, lebih berpengalaman daripada yang muda. 

4. Tidak semua yang tua itu cerdas, dan tidak semua yang muda itu dangkal. Simpanlah nasihat lapuk dan mentaliti feudal masing-masing. 

5. Zaman telah berubah. Feudalisme sedang nazak, tetapi masih ada yang enggan mencabut talian hayat dan menguburkannya.

6. Pemuda ialah nadi yang memungut denyut sentimen akar umbi. 

7. Ketika Jentera Penerangan UMNO gagal berfungsi. Pemudalah yang sepatutnya mengangkat suara rakyat ke atas, dibawa ke meja keputusan, dan dimuktamadkan di Perhimpunan Agung. 

8. Dan akhirnya, Pemuda wajib akur, jika benar itu kehendak akar umbi, bukan angka dongeng 3.8 juta yang entah dari mana datangnya.

9. Hakikat pahitnya, Pemuda pasca Datuk Dr Akmal Saleh kelihatan suram dan longlai. Tiada tokoh yang benar-benar terserlah, tiada keberanian yang menjeritkan perjuangan. 

10. Yang ada hanyalah pemain selamat; takut hilang jawatan, takut melangkah ke hadapan, takut mengambil risiko. 

11. Pemuda seperti ini bukan pejuang, tetapi pengecut berpakaian perisai perang.

12. Bandingkan dengan era AlMarhum Dato’ Harun, Tan Sri Rahim Thamby Chik, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Datuk Sri Najib Razak atau Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi mahupun Nazri Tan Sri Aziz. Ketika itu, Pemuda berdiri teguh dan berani di belakang Ketua mereka. 

13. Hari ini? Tiada seorang pun dalam kalangan Exco atau Pemuda negeri yang benar-benar menyatakan sokongan terbuka dibelakang Ketua mereka melainkan kenyataan yang keluar bersifat selamat dan tidak bertulang. 

14. Malah ada yang keluarkan kenyataan panjang tetapi tidak tegas dibelakang ketuanya seolah-olah sedang menunggu peluang untuk melompat ke kerusi sebaik Ketua Pemuda tersungkur pula.

15. Saidina Ali bin Abi Thalib R.A. Pernah berkata: "Jika kamu ingin melihat masa depan suatu kaum, maka lihatlah pemuda-pemudinya pada hari ini." Umpamanya, jika mereka bersifat “kedi” dimasakini, maka lembiklah masa depan kaum kita.

16. Presiden pertama Indonesia, Sukarno, pula pernah berkata:“Beri aku 10 orang pemuda, nescaya akan aku goncangkan dunia.”

17. Kenyataan ini lahir daripada keyakinan bahawa pemuda ialah tenaga perubahan, berani, lantang dan sanggup menggadai keselesaan demi perjuangan.

18. Soalnya hari ini, adakah UMNO masih memiliki walau 10 pemuda seperti itu selain Dr Akmar seorang?

19. Jika inilah wajah dan jiwa Pemuda UMNO, pemain selamat, oportunis dan tanpa prinsip, maka jangan bermimpi tentang masa depan UMNO. 

20. Parti ini tidak akan menjadi peneraju, sebaliknya sekadar jadi “house boy” kepada kerajaan-kerajaan akan datang.

Allahu Alam.

Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid Jumat

Ahli UMNO: 01053559

When UMNO Youth Loses Its Spine, The Party Loses Its Future.

Credit: tvpertiwi.com

1. UMNO is not a family. It is a vehicle of struggle. In a struggle, there are no brothers, sisters, fathers, or elders entitled to obedience by default. Families can fracture, marriages can collapse but the struggle for Religion and Race, God willing, endures until the Day of Judgment. Do not cheapen that struggle by confusing it with fragile family sentiment.

2. Within UMNO, there is no place for those who posture as political “elder siblings,” lecturing the young as though age alone confers wisdom. Not all who are old are wise, and not all who are young are shallow. 

3. Feudal advice belongs in the past. Times have changed. Feudalism is on life support, yet some still cling to it, afraid of a future where courage matters more than seniority.

4. The Youth Wing is the party’s pulse, tasked with capturing the true sentiments of the grassroots.

5. When the UMNO Information machinery fails, the Youth must step forward, elevate the people’s voice, bring it to the decision-making table, and force it to be heard at the General Assembly.

6. And when a final decision is made, the Youth wing must comply, but only if it genuinely reflects the will of the grassroots, not mythical numbers conjured to silence dissent.

7. The bitter truth is this: post-Dr Akmal Youth looks lethargic and uninspired. There are no commanding figures. No fire. No moral courage. What remains are risk-averse players, afraid to lose position, afraid to advance, afraid to stand alone. Such Youth are not warriors of the movement; they are safe-playing opportunists.

8. Contrast this with the eras of Datuk Harun, Tan Sri Rahim Thamby Chik, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Dato’ Sri Najib Razak, and Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi. You can throw in Nazri Tan Sri Aziz in there too. In those days, the UMNO Youth wing stood firmly and chivalrously behind their Chief. 

9. Today, not a single Exco member or state Youth leader openly closes ranks. Statements issued are cowardly, sanitized, spineless; some even sound like quiet prayers for the Youth Chief to fall so a seat may open up.

10. Saidina Ali bin Abi Talib (RA) once said:“If you wish to see the future of a people, look at their youth today.”

11. If today’s youth are submissive and servile, then the future will be soft and broken.

12. Indonesia’s first President, Sukarno, once declared: “Give me ten youths, and I will shake the world.”

13. That statement was born of faith in youth as agents of change; bold, outspoken, and willing to sacrifice comfort for principle. 

14. The question today is simple: does UMNO still have even ten such youths after Dr Akmal Md Saleh?

15. Let this be clear: chivalry demands that Youth stand behind their Chief when he is under fire, not scatter in silence.

16. Loyalty is proven in adversity, not convenience. Yet chivalry does not mean rebellion. Once the top leadership decides, 

discipline requires compliance, but never at the cost of dignity, courage, or truth.

17. If the face and soul of UMNO Youth remain fearful, opportunistic, and unprincipled, then the future of UMNO is doomed. The party will not lead in decades to come. It will merely follow, reduced to being  a “house boy,” to future governments.

18. God Knows Best.

Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid Jumat

UMNO Member: 01059553

UMNO: Loyal to the King, or Loyal to Office?

1. On 15 August, I wrote an article titled “Time to Leave the Table Before the Feast Turns Rotten.”

2. In it, I argued that UMNO must leave the Cabinet to avoid becoming complicit in Madani policies that increasingly harm the Rakyat.

3. UMNO entered this government out of our respect for the decree of His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, not out of a hunger for power. In fact, the Supreme Council had initially resolved that UMNO should remain a responsible opposition. 

4. Joining the government was framed as a sacrifice to prevent political paralysis, not a scramble for positions.

5. So let us ask the uncomfortable question now: How can UMNO continue to sit in this government when it openly defies a decree of the very same King on the addendum allowing former Prime Minister Najib Razak to serve his sentence under house arrest?

6. If obeying royal decree justified entering government then, why does ignoring royal decree justify staying in government now?

7. The answer is increasingly obvious. Forming the government was sold as an act of national duty. Remaining in it has degenerated into an act of self-interest, clinging to ministerial posts, GLC appointments, and the comforts of power.

8. UMNO has long styled itself as the defender of the Realm and the Malay Rulers. If that claim is to mean anything, UMNO must now challenge this government to execute the former King’s decree fully and without delay. Failing that, UMNO should do the honourable thing: leave the administration and take its place on the opposition benches before the party haemorrhages what remains of Malay support to Perikatan Nasional.

9. And then there is the timing; curious, if not insulting.

10. On the very day UMNO grassroots were seething over the Najib decision, the Attorney-General chose to issue a statement clarifying Zahid Hamidi’s DNAA. One cannot help but ask: was this a coincidence, or a not so subtle reminder to “stay in line”?

11. Let us also remember this: More than 145 UMNO Division Chiefs issued a public statement urging the party president to act. When asked what they would do if their “advice” was ignored, they coyly replied that they would “cross the bridge when they come to it.”

12. Well, the bridge is no longer ahead. It is right in front of them.

13. So to those 145 Division Chiefs, the moment of truth has arrived. No more press statements. No more rhetorical outrage. No more hiding behind metaphors.

14. Either put up — or shut up.

DATUK TENGKU PUTRA HARON AMINURRASHID JUMAT
UMNO Member: 01059553

Parliament Must Act To Save Malaysia’s Sovereignty

By Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid Jumat

Johor State Legislative Assemblyman, Kempas N47 (2013-2018)

1. The Malaysia–US reciprocal agreement was signed with such unseemly haste that Malaysians are still asking whether the Cabinet was pressured, confused, or simply dazzled by American charm. The whole affair resembled a redneck shotgun wedding in a barn minus the country music, but with the same level of regret the morning after.

2. Malaysians deserve transparency, accountability, and the assurance that any international deals safeguard national interests. Yet the government’s handling of this agreement prioritising speed over scrutiny, has left the rakyat wondering whose interest was truly protected that day.

3. Many citizens are now asking this crucial question: if the agreement appears one-sided and raises concerns about sovereignty, can the Parliament intervene? The answer is a resounding YES,  and not only can Parliament act, it has a duty to.

4. Contrary to the belief that the Executive holds absolute authority in foreign agreements, Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy gives the Dewan Rakyat significant power to stop, challenge, block, or force changes to treaties that harm the country’s interests. Parliament is not a spectator; it is a guardian.

5. Parliament has the constitutional and political muscle to demand withdrawal or amendment. Through a simple motion, MPs may instruct the government to renegotiate or exit a bad deal. Ignoring such a directive would place the government in open defiance of Parliament; a position no administration can survive.

6. The idea that “nothing can be done now that it is signed” is a myth. If MPs choose to grow a spine, they can table a motion instructing the government to renegotiate or withdraw. A parliamentary directive is not a friendly suggestion; it is a political command. A government that disobeys Parliament is a government begging for collapse.

7. It should be a straightforward procedure. The government sends a formal diplomatic notification to the US, announces its decision in Parliament, and begins renegotiation or termination. Other countries do this all the time. Malaysia need not behave like a timid tenant afraid of displeasing its landlord.

8. And, should the Executive attempt to bulldoze its way forward and disregard Parliament’s directive, MPs have the ultimate tool i.e, a vote of no confidence. Sovereignty is not a trivial matter; a government willing to compromise it does not deserve to govern.

9. As the heat rises, some ministers appear determined to defend the deal with impressive acrobatics and verbal gymnastics. The rakyat can smell desperation when a policy becomes indefensible and yet continues to receive official endorsement.

10. Most notably, the minister fronting the defence, Tengku Zafrul who finds himself in an awkward position. With his ministerial term coming to an end, one wonders why he is so eager to shield a policy that Malaysians view with deep suspicion. A lame-duck minister should avoid quacking too loudly, especially when waddling away from office soon.

11. Instead of performing verbal somersaults for Washington’s applause, he should spend his final days in office doing the honourable thing which is telling the Cabinet to slow down, re-examine the deal, and put Malaysia first. A dignified departure is better than clinging to a bad policy like a last-minute clearance sale.

12. While hustling through Sabah for votes to win the State, UMNO/BN cannot hide from the international predicament faced by our Nation today. The party must sternly dissent and defend Malaysia’s sovereignty before it’s too late. Staying quiet now is not neutrality. It’s surrender. UMNO/BN must stand against this one-sided agreement and show that Malaysian interests come first, not foreign agendas or political convenience.

13. Ultimately, the rakyat will remember which MPs stood up for Malaysia’s sovereignty and which ones folded. Parliament must now prove that it is not a rubber stamp, but the ultimate guardian of national interest.

14. ⁠Parliament must act now. Either defend Malaysia like a nation with a backbone, or kneel and let others rule us by remote control. Sovereignty is like chastity: once you give it away, you’ll never get it back.

Dancing Tiger In The Eagle’s Shadow

JOINT STATEMENT 

ON 

UNITED STATES-MALAYSIA 

AGREEMENT ON RECIPROCAL TRADE

(Click here to read)

1. When Malaysia inked its latest trade deal with the United States last week, the government celebrated it as a victory;  tariffs frozen at 19%, exemptions for over 1,700 export lines, and promises of deeper cooperation in digital trade and critical minerals. 

2. On paper, it looks like a hard-won balance between friendship and sovereignty. But beneath the polite smiles and photo opportunities, Malaysia may have walked into a tighter embrace than it realises.

3. At the heart of this agreement lies a subtle but serious concern: economic dependency dressed as partnership. The deal binds Malaysia to conditions that could, in time, curtail its freedom to decide who it trades with, how it develops its industries, and how it governs its strategic resources.

4. One key clause is Malaysia’s commitment not to ban or restrict exports of critical minerals and rare earth elements to the United States. This might seem harmless, but in practice it means Malaysia has effectively pledged to keep its mineral doors open for Washington, even if national interests or regional strategy later demand otherwise. 

5. What was once a sovereign right to regulate our natural wealth could soon require a nod of approval from across the Pacific.

6. Then there’s the matter of tariffs. While Malaysia escaped a feared 24% tariff, the maintained 19% rate still hangs like a sword over our exporters. The United States now wields leverage: every renegotiation, every “review” of exemptions becomes a pressure point. 

7. Malaysia may find itself perpetually having to offer new concessions, be it on data flows, digital standards, or defence cooperation, just to keep access to the American market stable.

8. Perhaps most worrying is the “hidden agenda”. By aligning so closely with U.S. trade rules, Malaysia risks being seen by China and even ASEAN neighbours as leaning too heavily under Washington’s wing. The optics alone could complicate Malaysia’s traditional balancing act between East and West.

9.  Beijing, which remains Malaysia’s largest trading partner, may interpret this as a pivot, potentially slowing down technology sharing, joint ventures, or rare-earth processing deals that Malaysia badly needs.

10. Politically, the timing matters. The U.S. administration is pursuing what it calls “friend-shoring” securing supply chains through compliant allies. 

11. Malaysia’s eagerness to play along might bring short-term economic calm, but at the cost of long-term leverage. Once bound by terms that favour American access, it will be difficult for Malaysia to negotiate from strength when future disputes arise whether on trade, investment, or even security.

12. The symbolism of this moment cannot be ignored. The tiger, Malaysia’s enduring emblem of strength and pride has agreed to dance under the shadow of the eagle. It may roar on its own soil, but in the skies of trade diplomacy, its movements are now partly choreographed by Washington.

13. Malaysia must therefore tread carefully. Cooperation with the U.S. is not the issue but dependency is. If we are not vigilant, every future trade, investment or technology deal could first need an informal American blessing. The true cost of this agreement will not be measured in tariffs, but in how much autonomy Malaysia retains when global winds shift.

14. In the coming months, our policymakers must ensure that partnership does not quietly evolve into permission.

15. For when a tiger drinks too deeply from another’s cup, it may wake to find that its stripes are no longer its own.

When Trump Comes To Town: Malaysia Must Lead ASEAN, Not Follow It.

By Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid Jumat

Johor State Legislative Assemblyman, Kempas N47 (2013-2018).

1. The 45th & 47th President of the United States’ visit to Southeast Asia in Kuala Lumpur will not be a courtesy call. It will be a mission of interest. Washington under Donald J Trump sees the region not as partners of equals, but as pieces on a chessboard in America’s contest with China. At the heart of that game lies one glittering prize: ASEAN’s critical minerals, the lifeblood of modern technology and defense.

2. Strategic minerals are now seen as national security assets. For example, the U.S. is actively working to secure supplies of rare earth elements (REEs) and other critical minerals to reduce dependence on dominant suppliers (especially China).

3. Malaysia is a possible source. Reports indicate Malaysia has large REE / critical mineral reserves estimated around 16 million metric tonnes worth about RM500 billion and is positioning to refine/ upgrade its capacity.  

4. Even if we do sign with the US on the REE deal, China will not flinch as their technology is way superior than any other competing country and they know it will be at the earliest 5 years before the US can see the results.

5. Malaysia however could be at a disadvantage as China would then not likely share any technologies with us in the future.

6. Trump’s America will come with smiles, handshakes, and the promise of “mutual prosperity”, with a touch of intimidation. Yet behind the charm lies the same strategic hunger to secure trade routes, gain mineral access, and pull Southeast Asia closer to the U.S. supply chain. Malaysia, with its rare earth reserves and strategic location, will naturally be at the top of that list.

7. He will talk about partnership, but what he really seeks is leverage. Trump’s record shows he respects strength and exploits weakness. Those who bend quickly earn deals that benefit Washington first; those who stand firm earn his grudging respect. If ASEAN countries line up too eagerly, Malaysia must not be swept along by the tide of flattery.

8. The challenge for us is delicate, ie to defend our national interest without offending our neighbours. If others choose to sign away their mineral rights or open their markets too widely, that is their sovereign choice. But Malaysia must stand its ground. Our message should be calm and clear: we support regional cooperation, but not at the cost of Malaysia’s long-term security and control.

9. When Trump speaks of “rebalancing trade,” he means tilting it his way. When he speaks of “supply-chain security,” he means making sure the U.S. controls the source. Malaysia cannot afford to be dazzled by short-term investment promises or fast-talking envoys. We have seen how deals that look generous today can chain us tomorrow.

10. Our leadership must also recall the lessons of Al Gore’s 1998 visit, when a U.S. leader used our own stage to lecture us. That moment burned into our memory, a reminder that American diplomacy often turns moralistic when we disagree. Trump may not moralize, but he threatens. His language is different, yet the pressure is the same.

11. If that moment comes again; a threat of tariffs, a warning about “choosing sides,” or hints of diplomatic chill, Malaysia must respond with quiet firmness. No shouting, no surrender. Just the confidence of a nation that knows its value. We can work with the U.S., but only on equal footing.

12. To keep that balance, Malaysia should rally ASEAN not as followers but as partners in principle. We can propose a collective framework for critical-mineral trade; transparent, fair, and respecting national sovereignty. This allows every member to deal with the U.S. without being isolated or bullied individually. Unity is not submission; it is protection.

13. At home, we must also strengthen our own industry. Instead of exporting raw materials, Malaysia should demand joint ventures, technology sharing, and local processing rights. Whoever wants our minerals must invest in our people, not just our ground.

14. We must remember: respect in global politics is earned not by compliance, but by consistency. The U.S. respects nations that know what they want,  even if it frustrates them. Malaysia’s best shield is clarity, backed by calm strength.

15. Trump’s ASEAN charm offensive will test every leader’s resolve. Some may yield for convenience; others may overreact for pride. Malaysia must choose a wiser middle path that is cooperative, but uncompromising in principle.

16. And when the last handshake fades, the speeches end, and the streets in the capital are returned to the KL folks,  let it be known that Malaysia may trade with everyone but will be owned by no one.

** _The writer is a Malaysian citizen who believes sovereignty begins with self-respect._

Lawatan Trump ke KL: Malaysia Harus Memimpin ASEAN, Bukan Sebagai Pengikut.

Oleh Datuk Tengku Putra Haron Aminurrashid Jumat

Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri Johor, Kempas N47 (2013-2018)

1. Lawatan Presiden Amerika Syarikat ke Asia Tenggara di Kuala Lumpur bukan sekadar kunjungan hormat. Ia adalah misi berkepentingan. Washington di bawah Donald J. Trump melihat rantau ini bukan sebagai rakan setara, tetapi sebagai bidak di papan catur dalam persaingan Amerika dengan China. Di tengah-tengah permainan itu terletak satu hadiah yang berkilau iaitu sumber mineral kritikal ASEAN, nadi utama teknologi dan pertahanan moden.

2. Mineral strategik kini dilihat sebagai aset keselamatan negara. Sebagai contoh, Amerika Syarikat sedang giat berusaha mendapatkan bekalan unsur nadir bumi (REE) dan mineral kritikal lain bagi mengurangkan kebergantungan terhadap pembekal utama, khususnya China.

3. Malaysia berpotensi menjadi salah satu sumber tersebut. Laporan menunjukkan negara kita memiliki rizab nadir bumi (REE) atau mineral kritikal yang dianggarkan sekitar 16 juta tan metrik bernilai lingkungan RM500 billion, dan kini sedang menambah baik kapasiti pemprosesan serta penapisan dalam sektor ini.

4. Jikapun kita menandatangani perjanjian REE dengan Amerika Syarikat kelak, China tidak akan gentar kerana teknologi mereka jauh lebih maju berbanding mana-mana negara pesaing, dan mereka tahu bahawa Amerika sekurang-kurangnya memerlukan sepaling cepat tempoh lima tahun sebelum dapat melihat hasilnya nanti.

5. Malaysia pula mungkin berada dalam keadaan yang merugikan, kerana China selepas itu berkemungkinan tidak lagi akan berkongsi sebarang teknologi dengan kita pada masa hadapan.

6. Amerika di bawah Trump akan datang dengan senyuman, jabat tangan, dan janji “kemakmuran bersama”, dengan sentuhan intimidasi. Namun di sebalik pesona itu tersembunyi keinginan strategik untuk menguasai laluan perdagangan, mendapatkan akses kepada sumber mineral, dan menarik Asia Tenggara lebih rapat ke dalam rantaian bekalan Amerika. Malaysia, dengan rizab nadir bumi dan kedudukannya yang strategik, sudah pasti menjadi sasaran utama.

7. Trump akan berbicara tentang “perkongsian,” tetapi apa yang sebenarnya dicari ialah pengaruh. Rekodnya menunjukkan beliau menghormati kekuatan dan mengeksploitasi kelemahan. Negara yang mudah tunduk akan menerima perjanjian yang lebih menguntungkan Washington terlebih dahulu; manakala mereka yang berpendirian teguh akan mendapat penghormatan yang berat hati daripadanya. Jika negara-negara ASEAN lain terlalu cepat melutut, Malaysia tidak boleh turut hanyut dalam arus pujian dan janji manis.

8. Cabaran bagi kita amat halus iaitu mempertahankan kepentingan negara tanpa menyinggung jiran. Jika negara lain memilih untuk menyerahkan hak mineral mereka atau membuka pasaran mereka seluas-luasnya, itu hak kedaulatan mereka. Namun Malaysia mesti berdiri teguh. Pesanan kita harus tenang tetapi jelas: kita menyokong kerjasama serantau, namun bukan dengan menggadaikan keselamatan dan kawalan jangka panjang Malaysia.

9. Apabila Trump bercakap tentang “imbangan perdagangan,” maksudnya ialah mengimbang ke arah Amerika. Apabila beliau menyebut tentang “keselamatan rantaian bekalan,” maksud sebenarnya ialah memastikan Amerika menguasai sumbernya. Malaysia tidak boleh terpesona dengan janji pelaburan jangka pendek atau pujukan delegasi perwakilan yang petah berkata-kata. Kita sudah melihat bagaimana perjanjian yang tampak murah hati hari ini boleh menjadi belenggu pada esok hari.

10. Kepimpinan kita juga harus mengingati pengajaran daripada lawatan Al Gore pada tahun 1998, ketika Naib Presiden Amerika itu menggunakan pentas kita untuk menegur negara kita sendiri. Detik itu terpahat dalam ingatan, sutu peringatan bahawa diplomasi Amerika sering berubah menjadi bersifat mengajar apabila kita tidak sehaluan dengan mereka. Trump mungkin tidak bermoral tinggi dalam tutur katanya, tetapi beliau tahu mengugut. Bahasanya berbeza, namun tekanannya tetap sama.

11. Sekiranya detik itu berulang, cuma kali ini dengan ancaman tarif, amaran untuk  “memihak,” atau bayangan hubungan dingin, Malaysia mesti bertindak dengan ketegasan dalam tenang tanpa  jeritan, tanpa menunduk. Hanya keyakinan sebuah negara yang tahu nilainya. Kita boleh bekerjasama dengan Amerika, tetapi hanya di atas dasar kesetaraan.

12. Untuk mengekalkan keseimbangan ini, Malaysia perlu memimpin ASEAN bukan sebagai pengikut, tetapi sebagai rakan sehaluan dalam prinsip. Kita boleh mencadangkan satu kerangka bersama bagi perdagangan mineral kritikal yang telus, adil, dan menghormati kedaulatan setiap negara. Pendekatan ini membolehkan setiap anggota berunding dengan Amerika tanpa perlu berhadapan dengan tekanan atau pengasingan secara individu. Kesatuan bukanlah penyerahan; ia adalah perlindungan.

13. Di dalam negara, kita juga mesti memperkukuh industri kita sendiri. Daripada mengeksport bahan mentah sebegitu sahaja Malaysia perlu menuntut usaha sama, perkongsian teknologi, dan hak pemprosesan tempatan. Sesiapa yang mahukan mineral kita mesti turut melabur dengan rakyat kita dan bukan sekadar mengambil kesempatan keatas tanah kita.

14. Kita mesti ingat: penghormatan dalam politik antarabangsa tidak diperoleh melalui kepatuhan, tetapi melalui ketegasan pendirian. Amerika menghormati negara yang tahu apa yang diinginkan, walaupun mereka tidak menyukainya. Perisai terbaik Malaysia ialah kejelasan pendirian, disertai kekuatan yang tenang.

15. Serangan pesona Trump terhadap ASEAN akan menguji keteguhan setiap pemimpin. Ada yang mungkin tunduk demi kemudahan; ada pula yang melawan demi ego. Malaysia mesti memilih jalan tengah yang lebih bijaksana iaitu bekerjasama, tanpa sekali-kali berkompromi dengan prinsip.

16. Dan apabila berjabat-salam terakhir berlalu, ucapan-ucapan selesai, dan jalan-jalan di ibu kota dikembalikan kepada rakyat Kuala Lumpur, biarlah dunia tahu bahawa Malaysia boleh memilih untuk berdagang dengan sesiapa, namun tidak akan dimiliki oleh sesiapa.

** _Penulis adalah seorang warganegara Malaysia yang percaya bahawa kedaulatan bermula dengan maruah diri.